Iraq. According to Countryaah official site, the last American soldiers left Iraq on December 15. Iraq had asked the US to let 5,000 people stay, but the US demanded that they be allowed to retain their prosecution immunity. Iraq rejected the US condition, after which the United States implemented its original plan to take home all Americans. There were, however, 15,000 privately employed US security guards who guarded the US embassy in Baghdad. Since the US began the war against the Saddam Hussein regime in March 2003, 104,000 Iraqi civilians had been killed, as well as 4,500 US soldiers. As soon as the US left the country, the spasmodic political cooperation that the Shia and Sunni Muslim camps under American pressure had entered into in 2010. The Sunni-based al-Irakiyya movement had gradually withdrawn from government and parliamentary cooperation with US-Iranian-backed Shiite Muslim Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, who according to the agreement should have gained control of a newly established body called the National Strategic Council, resigned and Maliki strengthened its grip on the security apparatus. Many politically active Sunni Muslims were arrested accused of conspiring with former dictator Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party. At the end of December, the authorities also issued an arrest warrant for the country’s highest-ranking Sunni Muslim ruler, Vice President Tariq Hashemi, who was accused of lying behind murders and attempted assassinations of several government officials.
The country continued to be shaken by repeated blasts. In total, several thousand civilians were killed during the year. The attacks were mainly the Sunni Muslim militia group al-Qaeda in Iraq, which was trying to destabilize the government, but also Shiite Muslim extremists with the support of Iran. A typical attack could consist of two explosive charges, with the first attracting police and military to the scene while the second then had precisely these as the target. A new pattern was also an increasing number of politically motivated murders of just one or a few people, with explosives, firearms or a knife. During the fall, violence escalated as Americans retreated.
The Arab Spring also had repercussions in Iraq. Protesters around the country protested in February and March against the government and, above all, against the chronic shortage of electricity, low wages and widespread corruption. Internet-based groups announced “the Iraqi wrath revolution” on February 25 and a similar manifestation on March 4. Police shot sharply against protesters, February 25 so bad that a total of twelve people were killed. Turkey and Iran carried out a joint offensive against Kurdish guerrillas on Iraqi soil in October.
UN out, in and out again
The war on Iraq was started without a UN mandate, and the United States subsequently declared that the United Nations would also play no role in future Iraq: “It is the victors who decide,” was the clear message from Washington. “We cannot wait for the UN,” repeated Per Stig Møller and Anders Fogh Rasmussen in Copenhagen. Despite Resolution 1441, which addresses UN weapons inspectors’ access to Iraq, these were not allowed to return after the US occupation of the country.
However, relations with the World Organization turned over this summer. In line with the development of an increasingly chaotic situation in the country, the occupying power realized that it was still necessary to involve the UN in humanitarian work. This was not without problems for the UN, because after 12 years of UN sanctions against the country, most Iraqis associated the UN with the occupying power and the United States. That was probably the reason why on August 20 terrorists blew up UN headquarters in Baghdad. 22 people were killed, including the UN chief in the country, Brazilian Sergio Vieira de Melo, the world’s most important nation-building expert in nation-building experience with Cambodia and East Timor experiences. The UN responded immediately by maintaining its significant mission in Iraq, but in late September, Secretary General Kofi Annan decided to withdraw almost all UN staff. This was done with reference to the safety of the employees. The occupying force was unable to secure this, which revealed both the August attack and subsequent shooting episodes. But unofficially, the staff were also pulled out because of Annan’s frustration over the US self-serving and unilateralist policy in Iraq on the issue.
In the script the Washington hawks had written about the invasion and occupation, the North American troops would be met as liberators by the Iraqi people, and it would be possible to immediately fund a “reconstruction” of the country with Iraqi oil. That’s not how it went. The United States won the war in less than a month by motivating the Iraqi generals to commit treason with millions of dollars, but they did not win the sympathy of the people. From the beginning, there were extensive demonstrations against the occupying power in both the southern, central and northern parts of the country. Demonstrations met by bullets from the North American military. Infrastructure fell apart because the United States did not want to retrieve spare parts and competence from Europe, and the security situation became impossible as the army disbanded,
The consequence of the growing chaos was that General Jay Montgomery Garner was removed as head of the civil administration as early as May and replaced by US Secretary of State Paul Bremer. The security situation has since worsened. The civilian population is constantly subjected to assaults by armed Iraqi gangs and the occupying forces. At the same time, the military attacks against the occupying power have increased in scope, coordination and sophistication. Major bomb attacks have been launched against, among other things. Jordan’s embassy and UN headquarters and occupying forces troops are subjected to daily attacks. US commander in the country, Ricardo Sanchez, admitted at a press conference Oct. 2 that the attacks monthly cost 15-20 soldiers a lifetime. The real figure is probably 2-3 times higher than this official figure. The United States is stubbornly referring to those responsible for these attacks that Saddam supports, but the reality is apparently more complicated. The attacks are believed to be carried out not only by Saddam people, but also by al-Qaeda people drawn to the country; of disgruntled Shi’ite groups; of clans overruled by the occupying power; and by Palestinians who are attracted to the opportunity to fight the United States directly and militarily. They believe the United States is the main reason for Israel’s violent aggression against Palestine. of disgruntled Shi’ite groups; of clans overruled by the occupying power; and by Palestinians who are attracted to the opportunity to fight the United States directly and militarily. They believe the United States is the main reason for Israel’s violent aggression against Palestine. of disgruntled Shi’ite groups; of clans overruled by the occupying power; and by Palestinians who are attracted to the opportunity to fight the United States directly and militarily. They believe the United States is the main reason for Israel’s violent aggression against Palestine.
The consequence of the continuing serious security situation is that the United States has not been able to pull troops out of the country as originally planned. The United States spoke of an occupation force of 50,000 soldiers in April and May, but it remains at 150,000 – as well as 20,000 from other countries – with no prospect of reduction. In the autumn, the United States sought a UN resolution that would open up large troop quotas from other countries, but without success. Turkey pledged enough strength to 20,000 soldiers, but it led to fierce internal criticism in Turkey and was heavily criticized by the Iraqi government, where Kurds in particular regard Turks on Iraqi soil as a declaration of war. The Turkish troops are therefore tentative in Turkey.